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In , a Levada Center survey gathered more negative perceptions: See the definition in Article 1 of the law: Have faith in your abilities! In the s, the Russian identity debate remained deeply marked by the criterion of ethnicity, whereby minorities would demand their right to political, cultural, and economic sovereignty. OGI, ; Alexander Verkhovsky, ed. All these mechanisms are based on the framework law and its definitions. By the summer of , the controversy around Matilda had grown from one isolated complaint to a full-blown storm, in which heated rhetoric by anti-Matilda Orthodox activists was compounded by violent arson attacks on movie theaters across Russia that had agreed to screen the film, as well as the firebombing of a car belonging to the attorney of Matilda director Aleksei Uchitel.

This agreement did not address two words that did require common definitions: Sabrina Petra Ramet Cambridge: A Two-Country Perspective, eds. In fact, the amendments to restrict missionary activities had been discussed repeatedly for almost two de- cades, unable to progress toward real acceptance due to their clearly anticonstitutional nature. Conventionally, surveys tend to ask about perceptions of other ethnic groups and of migrants, but do not formu- late the question under a religious label. SOVA Center, , Like our findings, however, he also noted that such incidents remained rare until prosecutions for extremism began in , after which the number of attacks had only increased. Islamophobia in Russia follows some similar patterns.

Calculating its relative share is problematic—the list includes some purely religious neo-pagan texts as well as some purely political or militant ultra-right texts ultra- right materials predominate on the list in generalbut there are also many texts books, songs, or other materials that combine these two features. Ikhtios, The scientific and academic community should chezti the standards of the OSCE, to which Russia nominally subscribes, in religious education—in particular the Toledo principles of religious education91—especially when it comes to training experts in religious affairs.

More frequently, people were sentenced for their insulting and degrading statements. Skip to main content. Sabrina Petra Ramet Cambridge: This means that this volume is able to genuinely shine light where there was previously darkness, and raise questions and start conversations that have not previously gotten the attention they are owed.

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During the seven decades of communism, and especially in the s and s, religious institutions and believers were subjected to often violent repression by the state, which pushed much religion and religious practice underground.


Marlene Laruelle and Natalia Yudina ask whether Islamo- phobia is on the rise.

Since then, Sorok Sorokov has garnered the reputa- tion of an aggressively violent organization with fascist tendencies. However, in the fairly secular Russian society, attacks by nonbelievers against representatives of a certain religion they regard as a dangerous ideology are also quite frequent this is true for many attacks on Muslim or Orthodox sites.

SOVA counted cases between andwith an abrupt increase in and then again in We examine violent acts against people and property, as well as verbal threats to carry out such violence.

The vigi- lantes should be allowed no access to state support, and all groups involved in any kind of vio- lence ought to be excluded from projects somehow supported by the Russian state. For the Russian Orthodox Church: Between and47 people were sentenced, mostly for making calls to jihadism, with a rise in number in andin relation to the war in Syria.

I really like what you have acquired here, really like what you’re stating and the way in which you say it. In —, several criminal cases, primarily in Tatarstan, requested numerous expert examina- tions of the Said Nursi books that comprise his Risale-i Nur collection of religious texts.

However, the percentage of avowedly religious violence—that is, when Islamophobic comments made by the attackers have been reported—is small.

Several months before his murder, he told Fagan in Dagestan that he had regularly received death threats. Ibidem-Verlag,— Nevertheless, the worth of their training, and, indeed, of the entire activity of the organization, has remained questionable. Russian nationalist groups are often responsible for desecrating Islamic symbols; they paint Nazi swastikas or Orthodox crosses, or put pig heads on Muslim graves.

Non-Orthodox identity appears the focus of several attacks on Protestants. Infor example, two female door-to-door 3. Indeed, the presi- dential amendment never clarified which translations of the sacred texts were now protected.

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However, the cases related to public statements that can be regarded as Islamist propaganda are much more numerous than the cases related to direct calls for skotret. In the mids, when the post-Soviet conceptual system in the sphere of state and public security was already beginning to form, the threat of religiously motivated terrorism was practically ignored. In what we therefore believe is a first, we have identified incidents from through of actual or threatened violence toward followers of minority faiths other than Islam and Judaism.


Proving the cases of incitement to armed jihad or glorification of its modern heroes also presents no significant problems the number of such cases increases every year, especially in connection with propaganda in support of ISIS.

Perpetrators of violence against these groups, which is well documented dilm Russia although underreporting is likelyrarely face legal sanction. This is true both for the criminal cases and for the prosecutorial claims seeking to ban books, videos, and other materials.

Inmost of the North Caucasus militant groups swore allegiance to Abu Bakr al-Bagdadi and now commit attacks on security ser vices under its banner. Bringing in an international dimension, Jeffrey Mankoff and Alexei Miller consider the role of the Russian Orthodox Church, as well as other religious institutions, in the war in Ukraine.

These things came here from there. Titles removed were nos.

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Perhaps travel cannot prevent bigotry, but by demonstrating that all peoples cry, laugh, eat, worry, and die, it can introduce the idea that if we try and understand each other, we may even become friends. Mainstream media outlets, on the contrary, seemed to err on the side of caution, perhaps also anxious to avoid igniting nationalist sentiments, or simply attempting to toe the Kremlin line.

The first one is Muslims although separating religious enmity from ethnic is occasionally problematicwhich accounts for 11 sen- tences in — Enteo himself was a parishioner of Father Daniil Sysoev, a young priest known for com- bining ultra-Orthodox missionary zeal with an explicit rejection of nationalism; Sysoev was ulti- mately gunned down in his own church, apparently by a militant Islamist.

However, their broad definitions of extremism and failure to differentiate between the violent and the fundamentalist documented in other chapters indicate that some of these policies may prove counterproductive.

One manifestation is the blind eye authorities often turn to violent activists who describe themselves as defending traditional values. Indeed, few cases of explicit violence snotret people of Muslim background—or those considered as such by the attackers—have been documented, almost all in Moscow.